The paper offers an anthropological analysis of an event of the Mint-a-Parlament (Moot Parliament) educational programme. It departs from the canonical literature on parliamentary research in several respects. It differs from the established works in the field in terms of its subject matter, approach as well as genre. The research design was built upon six core principles. These are as follows: the primacy of fieldwork and participation; the inclusion of the actors' knowledge and self- reflection; small scale; attention to archaic and symbolic aspects of the social phenomena and the prominent role of interpretation. Methodologically, the study combined elements of ethnographic observation, scientific group interview, case study design and grounded theory. Viewed from this perspective, the training event based on the modelling of legislation can be described as a secular rite. Based on the field observations as well as the content of the group interview, it can be stated that the event had a deeper function and involved an intensive use of symbols. It had a particular, supplementary meaning for the participants. The central finding of the analysis is as follows: the Mint-a-Parlament (Moot Parliament) can be interpreted as a carnival ritual. The clothing of the young participants showed that they had dressed up in ‘politician costumes' for the duration of the simulation, recognising and following the carnival-like logic of the event. In accordance with this they put on the costume of the ‘man in uniform' that of the ‘well-dressed' man. The carnival costumes of the participating university students suggested that in their transformation they were trying to bring to life a specific layer of the MP's role, i.e. the figure of the ‘law factory professional'.
Keywords: Hungarian Parliament; anthropological approach; gamified education; simulation of legislation; secular rite
Gábor Pál, Associate professor, Ludovika - University of Public Service , Pal.Gabor@uni-nke.hu
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In January 2006, Conservative Party led by Stephen HARPER ended more than 12 years of Liberal rule (1993-2006) by winning 124 seats versus 103 for Liberals. From 2006 to 2011 Liberal Party had been constantly losing its political ground by 2011, being reduced from the "natural governing party" to third party status for the first time, as they won the fewest seats in its history. This explains why the party led by Justin TRUDEAU tried everything to find a way out and to regain its worthy position in the Lower House. He promised major electoral reform in the 2015 electoral campaing: "We are committed to ensuring that the 2015 election will be the last federal election using first-past-the post", making "every vote count", for the sake of democracy.
The 2015 federal election was won by the Liberal Party, winning 184 seats, allowing the Liberals to form a majority government. Despite his promise, Trudeau gradually backed away from his pledge, saying that "there is less need for electoral reform now that the Conservatives are out of power." Despite people's disappointment, Trudeau argued that the lack of consensus on the reform, and the fact that a referendum or proprtional voting would be divisive for Canada, his only choice is to abandon his promise bearing the consequences because he "will not compromise on what is in the best interest of Canada". The main objective of this paper is to provide an analysis of this complex process.
Keywords: Electoral reform, reform process, types of electoral reform, interest-oriented motivations, value-oriented objectives.
Levente Nagy, Associate professor, Head of Department , University of Debrecen, Political Science Department, nagy.levente@arts.unideb.hu
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The results of the House of Representatives elections of 2021 in Japan are in the center of the study, but the possible social and political grounds for the lowering of the voting age are also presented. The introduction about the main principles and characteristics of the Japanese election law hasn't either been left out. The lowering of the active voting age to 18 might be originally associated with the issue of the amendment of the Constitution as well. The outcome of an amendment of the Constitution was regarded uncertain both because of the simultaneous obligation of national referendum and the qualified, two-third majority vote of all the members of both parliamentary Chambers. The presentation of the history of election law starts with the first Japanese House of Representatives elections held on 1 July 1890, where 1 % of the Japanese population of roughly 40 million was eligible to vote due to censuses regarding property and sex. The first general elections were held on 10 April 1946 where the main prerequisites for elections concerned age and nationality. In today's conditions, the issues concerning equality of votes are presented through the decision of November 2020 of the Japanese Supreme Court. The paper also covers the main aspects of the mixed electoral system introduced in 1994 and searches for the possible answers of the more decade long, nearly unbroken majority of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). The fact is that no significant difference can be measured between the parliamentary powers of 2017 and 2021 in the House of Representatives. The paper has examined the latest House of Representatives elections in the light of the practically unamendable Constitution and the main aspects of Japanese election law. Finally, about the adult age it should be pointed out, that the lowering of age from 20 to 18 is generally carried out in the legal system but for example for smoking or drinking the age set up in Meiji era are still to be applied.
Keywords: Japanese Constitution, Japanese Parliament, Voting Age, House of Representatives elections of 2021, amendment of Constitution
Csaba Gergely Tamás , Visiting Lecturer, Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, tamas.csaba.gergely@jak.ppke.hu
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In the year before the early parliamentary elections on April 3, 2022, there were a number of decisive issues (in regard to the elections such were the repeated boycotts or participation of the opposition, and the manner of participation of the Kosovo Serbs), and events occurring either in Serbia (the Rio Tinto case, the referendum on the amendment of the Serbian constitution) or beyond the borders of country (Russian-Ukrainian war) which dominated the domestic political agenda and influenced the outcome of the elections. Following the early parliamentary elections, the Republic Electoral Commission required three months to announce the final results as the elections in Veliki Trnovac (Municipality of Bujanovac) had to be repeated five times. As a result, the new parliament could only convene in early August, while the new government could only be formed in October. In line with forecasts and expectations the Serbian Progressive Party received the most votes, but it was only able to begin a new term with a significant loss of mandates. In the current setup, the government dominated by Progressives - accustomed to a comfortable parliamentary majority and the absence of opposition voices - must reckon with a new political reality as both the right and left-wing opposition is present in the Parliament. Nevertheless, this will not be a major challenge for the incumbent governing parties. Among many matters, the old/new Serbian leadership has to resume focusing on two strategically important and extremely complex foreign policy issues - having been going on for more than a decade - without which no progress can be expected regarding Serbia's current international position. In light of the European Union accession talks commencing, and there is a parliamentary majority to continue the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue, there lies the question whether the government possesses sufficient political courage and will to take initiation in the latter. Regional cooperation (Open Balkans) will also be prominently featured in the agenda shaping Serbian foreign policy. In terms of the relationship with Russia, a more decisive change of attitude remains a definite expectation on the behalf of the West. It remains to be seen whether this is a realistic demand which could and would be met in the near future. The main goals of Serbian domestic policy will continue to center around energy security and independence (modernization and diversification), infrastructure development (roads, railroads, border crossings), improvement of standard of living, solutions for challenges posed by demographic change and illegal migration.
Keywords: Early elections, opposition, parliament, government, European Union
László Horváth, regional analyst, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Department for Western Balkans, laszlohorvat_h@hotmail.com ■
Visszaugrás
